Problematic Societynature Relations Before The Modern

Cited in Jeremy Swift, The Other Eden: A New Approach to Man, Nature and Society (London: J.M. Dent & Sons, 1974) p. 13. NB: Gilgamesh was a historical figure who ruled the city-state of Uruk sometime between 2 700 and 2500 bce; he was remembered as a great warrior as well as the builder of Uruk's massive walls and temple. His exploits so impressed his contemporaries that he became the focal point of a series of oral sagas that recounted his legendary heroic deeds. Around 2000 bce or shortly thereafter, an unknownBabylonian poet reworked some ofthese tales, along with other stories, such as the adventures of Utnapishtim, into an epic masterpiece that became widelypopular and influential throughout southwest Asia and beyond. SeeJamesH.OverfieldandAndreaJ.Alfred, TheHumanRecord:SourcesofGlobalHistory (vol. 1: To 1700) (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1994), p. 7. Swift, The Other Eden: A New Approach to Man, Nature and Society, p. 15, J.V. Thirgood, Man and the Mediterranean Forests: A History of Resource Depletion (London: Academic Press, 1989), pp. 29-30.

3. The term "Neolithic Revolution" was originally coined by anthropologist Vere Gordon Childe, Man Makes Himself (New York: New American Library; Mentor Books, 1951).

4. Fekri Hassan, "The Dynamics of Agricultural Origins in Palestine: A Theoretical Model," in Origins of Agriculture, ed. Charles Reed (Chicago: Chicago Publishers, 1977), p. 589.

5. This variation, also known as "neolithic time lags" is explored by Jared Diamond, The Third Chimpanzee: The Evolution and Future of the Human Animal, and in Diamond, Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies.

6. Marvin Harris, Kannibalen Und Könige: Die Wachstumgrenzen Der Hochkulturen (Darmstadt: Klett & Kotta, 1990), p. 24.

7. Marshall Sahlins, "The Original Affluent Society," in Stone Age Economics (Chicago: Aldine Atherton, 1972).

8. Susan George, Food for Beginners, Social Studies Historical Series (New York and London: Writers and Readers Publishing Corporation, 1982), Marshall D. Sahlins, Stone Age Economics.

9. J.L. Angel, "Paleontology, Paleodemography and Health," in Population, Ecology and Social Evolution: World Anthropology, ed. Steven Polgar (The Hague: Mouton, 1975), Marvin Harris, Cultural Anthropology, 3rd edn (New York: Harper & Collins, 1991), p. 75, R. Lee, "Problems in the Study of Hunters and Gatherers," in Man the Hunter, ed. R. Lee and I. DeVore (Chicago: Aldine, 1969), Sahlins, Stone Age Economics.

10. The modern ethnographic example taken here are !Kung Bushmen in southern Africa. See George, Food for Beginners, p. 6.

11. Marina Fischer-Kowalski and Helmut Haberl, "Metabolism and Colonization: Modes of Production and the Physical Exchange between Societies and Nature," Innovation in Social Science Research 6(4) (Schriftenreihe Ökologie, Band 32. Wien/Austria; Interuniversitäres Institut für Interdisziplinäre Forschung und Fortbildung; Abteilung Soziale Ökologie) (1993), pp. 4-5.

12. Donella H. Meadows, Dennis L. Meadows, and J0rgen Randers, Beyond the Limits: Confronting Global Collapse, Envisioning a Sustainable Future (Post Mills, VT: Chelsea Green Publishing Company, 1992), pp. 218-21.

13. The overall pattern of archaeological excavations in Europe to date suggests that a real commitment to maritime lifeways did not precede late Upper Paleolithic times. Similarly, in the New World, early occupants (the Paleo-Indians and hypothetical pre-Clovis occupants) have not been found to use marine resources, and in most parts of North America a real commitment to maritime lifeways postdates the mid-Holocene. David R. Yesner, "Life in the Garden of Eden: Causes and Consequences of the Adoption of Marine Diets by Human Societies," in Food and Evolution: Towards a Theory of Human Food Habits, ed. Marvin Harris and Eric B. Ross (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1987), p. 285.

14. Marvin Harris, Cannibalism and Kings: The Origins of Culture (New York: Vintage Books, 1977), p. 30.

15. Cohen, The Food Crisis in Prehistory: Overpopulation and the Origins of Agriculture.

16. Fischer-Kowalski and Haberl, "Metabolism and Colonization: Modes of Production and the Physical Exchange between Societies and Nature," p. 5.

17. Brian M. Fagan, The Journey from Eden: The Peopling of Our World (New York: Thames & Hudson, 1990).

18. Cohen, The Food Crisis in Prehistory: Overpopulation and the Origins of Agriculture, Gary Gray, Wildlife and People: The Human Dimension of Wildlife Ecology (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993), p. 21. (Around 13,000 bce the glaciers of the ice age began to melt, thus submerging the land bridges and improving the climate.

With the improvement of the climate, animal, plant, and human populations began to rise. It was also about this time when animals were domesticated for human use for the first time.)

19. Fagan, The Journey from Eden: The Peopling of Our World, Gray, Wildlife and People: The Human Dimension of Wildlife Ecology, p. 21.

20. Fagan, The Journey from Eden: The Peopling of Our World.

21. Gray, Wildlife and People: The Human Dimension of Wildlife Ecology, p. 21.

22. See Anne H. Ehrlich and Paul Ehrlich, Earth (New York: Franklin Watts, 1987), David Macauley, "Thinkers out of Space: Hannah Arendt on Earth Alienation; a Historical and Critical Perspective," Capitalism, Nature, Socialism (CNS) 3(4) (December) (1992).

23. The term "domestication" shares a root meaning with "domination" - suggesting a possible suffocating control - but it is also cognate with domus (house), implying an attempt on the part of humans to make something familiar to them on an everyday basis. The idea thus retains some ambiguities and ambivalence associated with this process, one many historians believe has been our single most significant historical interaction with the natural world and one of the most important events in our own psychological, biological, and social history. Domestication, too, stands in contrast to the wild, a term related to will, so that it can be said that a wild animal, plant, or human - unlike its domestic counterpart - is likely self-willed, uncontrolled, even autonomous. To this extent, there is a basis for critique built into an understanding of the process of domestication from the start.

25. The process of habitat displacement is also referred to by conservation biologists as "competitive exclusion," the displacement of one species from its habitat or ecological niche by another. When humans appropriate other species' "ecological space," it often leads to the local or even global extinction of the non-human organism.

26. Fischer-Kowalski and Haberl, "Metabolism and Colonization: Modes of Production and the Physical Exchange between Societies and Nature," in Marina FischerKowalski et al. eds, Gesellschaftlicher Stoffwechsel Und Kolonisierung Von Natur: Ein Versuch in Sozialer Ökologie (Amsterdam: G+B Verlag Fakultas, 1997).

27. Alfred Crosby, Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe, 900-1900 (Melbourne and Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), Diamond, Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies.

28. Price, "Energy and Human Evolution," pp. 301-19.

29. Macauley, "Thinkers out of Space: Hannah Arendt on Earth Alienation; A Historical and Critical Perspective."

30. Rousseau's insight, however, is tragically lost to progressivist interpretations of history. From Smith onward, the philosophical mainstream ideologically argues against the tolerant theory insisting that powers ought to be shared and argues, instead, that the inequalities associated with exclusive property forms are desirable, contributing to "advance" and "progress"; or, more ideologically fatalistic in the late modern, late Cold War era, when the powers-that-be begin to insist point blank that "There is no alternative" (TINA).

31. David Muschamp, ed., Political Thinkers (Basingstoke: Macmillan Education, 1989), p. 127, Rousseau, The Social Contract and Discourses.

32. Chris Maser, Global Imperative: Harmonising Culture and Nature (Walpole, NH: Stillpoint Publisher, 1992), p. 68.

33. Rene Jules Dubos, "Franciscan Conservation Versus Benedictine Stewardship," in A God Within, ed. R.J. Dubos (New York: Charles Scribner Sons, 1972), p. 114.

35. Donald J. Hughes, "Mencius' Prescriptions for Ancient Chinese Environmental Problems," Environmental Review 13(12-25) (1989), Donald J. Hughes, "Ripples in Clio's Pond: Menicus, Ecologist," Capitalism, Nature, Socialism 8(3) (September) (1997).

36. Mencius (Meng Tze), Mencius, trans. D.C. Lau (London: Penguin Books, 1970), p. 8.

3 7. Hughes, "Ripples in Clio's Pond: Mencius, Ecologist," p. 120.

39. Dated back to the eleventh to sixth century bce.

40. Jin-qi Fang and Zhiren Xie, "Deforestation in Preindustrial China: The Loess Plateau Region as an Example," Chemosphere 29(5) (1994).

41. Jin-qi Fang, Deforestation of the Loess Plateau in Pre-Industrial Time: Destruction of the Chinese Cradle, Working Paper (Honolulu: East-West Center Program of the Environment, 1994).

42. N.H. Shi, "The Geographical Character of the Loess Plateau During the Zhou Period (100-256 B.C.)," Journal ofShaanxi Normal University 3/4 (1978), N.H. Shi, ed., On Gully Control and Water Conservation on the Loess Plateau, vol. 2, Contributions to Historical Geography of China (Xian: Shaanxi People's Publishing House [in Chinese], 1985), S.Y. Tian, "Hydrological Changes in Shanxi Province and Their Relations with the Alterations between Farming and Animal Husbandry in Different Historical Times," Journal of Shanxi University (philosophy) 1 (1981).

43. These lakes were recorded in the literature before the time of the geographer Li Daoyuan (fl. c. 500 CE), who compiled the famous book Notes on the Book of Waterways. See Y.Z. Chen, "Li Daoyuan fl. c. 500 A.D.," Geographers, Bibliographical Studies (1988).

44. Tian, "Hydrological Changes in Shanxi Province and Their Relations with the Alterations between Farming and Animal Husbandry in Different Historical Times."

45. See Georg Borgstrom, The Food and People Dilemma, The Man-Environment System in the Late Twentieth Century (Belmont, CA: Duxbury Press, 1973), p. 97, Donald Worster, Dust Bowl: The Southern Plains in the 1930s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), p. 4. NB: This deforestation, beginning more than 3,000 years ago, not only led to loss of biodiversity but produced centuries of silting and flooding. The creation of the Dust Bowl in the southwestern Great Plains in the United States is the first modern example of a major ecological blunder.

46. John Bellamy Foster, The Vulnerable Planet: A Short History of the Environment (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1994), pp. 36, 37, Eric R. Wolf, Europe and the People without History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982).

47. Robert Redfield, Peasant Society and Culture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956), Norman Yoffee, "Orienting Collapse," in The Collapse of Ancient States and Civilizations, ed. Norman Yoffee and George L. Cowgill (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1988).

48. G.F. Dales, "Early Despotism in Mesopotamia," in Early Antiquity, ed. I.E. Diakanoff (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991).

49. "Hydraulic Civilization," in Britannica Online: Copyright (c) 1997 Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc.

50. Ritchie, Food and Civilization: How History Has Been Affected by Human Taste.

51. Karl W. Butzer, "Environmental Change, Climate History and Human Modification: Civilizations of the Ancient near East," in Civilizations of the near East, ed. J.M. Sasson, John Baines and Karen S. Robinson (New York: Scribner, 1994), Dominique Collon, First Impressions, Cylinder Seals in the Ancient near East (London: British Museum Publications, 1987).

52. See Karl W. Butzer, Early Hydraulic Civilizations in Egypt: A Study in Cultural Ecology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976), Roberts, The Holocene: An Environmental History, Karl Wittfogel, Oriental Despotism: A Comparative Study of Total Power (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1957).

53. Sing C. Chew, "Ecological Relations and the Decline of Kingdoms and Civilizations in the Bronze Age 2500 BC to 1700 BC: Some Considerations on Mesopotamia and Harappa," in The Global Environment and the Worldsystem, ed. W. Goodfrank, D. Goodman, and A. Szasz (Santa Cruz: Draft presented at the Political Economy of the World System XXI Conference, April, Santa Cruz, CA, 1997).

54. Diakonoff 1991, cited in ibid.

55. Ellis 1976, cited in ibid.

56. Boyden, Biohistory: The Interplay between Human Society and the Biosphere, pp. 192-3.

58. Roberts, The Holocene: An Environmental History, p. 129.

59. Overfield and Alfred, The Human Record: Sources of Global History (vol. 1: To 1700).

60. Roberts, The Holocene: An Environmental History, pp. 129-31.

62. Archaeologist Patrick Culbert maintains a similar argument in his study of Maya agricultural intensification and collapse. See Patrick T. Culbert, "The Collapse of Classical Maya Civilization," in The Collapse of Ancient States and Civilizations, ed. Norman Yoffee and George L. Cowgill (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1988).

64. The earliest sedentary foragers so far discovered are the Natufians, who enter the archaeological record approximately 12,000 years ago in the eastern Mediterranean.

65. Richard H. Grove, Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, Tropical Island Edens and the Origins of Environmentalism, 1600-1860 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), p. 18, G. Rollefson and I. Kohler, "Prehistoric People Ruined Their Environment," New Scientist 125(24) (February) (1990).

66. Grove, Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, Tropical Island Edens and the Origins of Environmentalism, 1600-1860, pp. 19-20.

67. Sing C. Chew, "Neglecting Nature: World Accumulation and Core-Periphery Relations, 2500 BC to AD 1990," in World System History: The Social Science ofLong-Term Change, ed. Jonathan Friedman, Robert A. Denemark, Barry K. Gills, and George Modelski (London and New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 1995), pp. 219-22.

68. Chew, "Ecological Relations and the Decline of Kingdoms and Civilizations in the Bronze Age 2500 BC to 1700 BC: Some Considerations on Mesopotamia and Harappa."

70. Gary Gardener, "Shrinking Fields: Cropland Loss in a World of Eight Billion," Worldwatch Paper 131 (July) (1996), p. 5, Clive Ponting, "Historical Perspectives on Sustainable Development," Environment 32(9) (November) (1990).

71. Dubos, "Franciscan Conservation Versus Benedictine Stewardship," p. 116.

72. Roberts, The Holocene: An Environmental History, p. 128.

75. Ellen Meiksins-Wood, Democracy against Capitalism: Renewing Historical Materialism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), p. 202.

76. Donald J. Hughes, "Ripples in Clio's Pond: Classical Athens and Ecosystem Collapse," Capitalism, Nature, Socialism 7(3) (September) (1996), pp. 97-8.

79. The Peloponnesian War was fought between Athens and Sparta, from 431 to 404 BCE, and resulted in the transfer of hegemony in Greece from Athens to Sparta. It took place on the peninsula of Peloponnesus, which forms the southern part of mainland Greece, the seat of the early Mycenaean civilization and later of the powerful city-states of Argos.

80. Sing C. Chew, "For Nature: Deep Greening World-Systems Analysis for the 21st Century," Journal of World-Systems Research 3(3) [Online, available: http://csf.colorado.edu/wsystems/jwsr.html] (1997), p. 389.

81. Diodorus reports that the Spartans cut down all the trees in Attica during the wars. See also Thucycides, Peloponnesian Wars, 2.54, cited in John Perlin, A Forest Journey: The Role of Wood in the Development of Civilization (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1991), p. 91.

82. Theophrastus, De causis, (14) 2-4, 5, cited in C.J. Glacken, Traces on the Rhodian Shore: Nature and Culture in Western Thought from Ancient Times to the End of the Eighteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967), p. 130n. See also Theophrastus, De nentis, in A. Loeb, ed., Theophrastus' Enquiry into Plants (New York, 1916), p. 379, on the changing climate of Crete.

83. Grove, Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, Tropical Island Edens and the Origins of Environmentalism, 1600-1860, p. 20.

84. Hughes, "Ripples in Clio's Pond: Classical Athens and Ecosystem Collapse," p. 99, Theodore A. Wertheim, "The Furnace vs the Goat: The Pyro Technology Industries and Mediterranean Deforestation in Antiquity," Journal of Field Archeology 10 (1983).

85. Hughes, "Ripples in Clio's Pond: Classical Athens and Ecosystem Collapse."

86. The earlier disappearance of forests in the Mediterranean area came about partly because the evergreen forests of the region were easier to clear than the deciduous forests further north, but more particularly because the ecological conditions were less favorable to their rapid regeneration. Among the components of these ecological conditions, along with the nature of the climate and the soil, were the ubiquitous goats that roamed the cleared areas in large numbers. It has been suggested that they effectively destroyed any seedlings that might otherwise have grown into trees to replace those that had been removed by humans (A. Ehrlich and P. Ehrlich, Earth, p. 186).

As a result, much of the evergreen forest in the Mediterranean region was transformed early into the semi-natural brushwood, which is known as garigue or maquis. Some authors have suggested that deforestation in Greece and in Italy was an important factor contributing to the decline of Roman and Greek civilization (Boyden, Biohistory: The Interplay between Society and the Biosphere, p. 127). For a comparative study of historical attitudes toward nature, see J. Donald Hughes, Ecology in Ancient Civilizations (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1975).

87. "By comparison with the original territory, what is left is ... the skeleton of a body wasted by disease; the rich, soft soil has been carried off and only the bare framework of the district left" (Plato, in Critias, describing the deforestation of Attica - the region around Athens - during the four centuries bce. Plato, Critias, ed. E. Hamilton and H. Cairns, Collected Dialogues, Bollingen series 71 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1961), p. 1216. A. Ehrlich and P. Ehrlich, Earth, p. 159.

88. Hughes, "Ripples in Clio's Pond: Classical Athens and Ecosystem Collapse," p. 102.

89. The Romans had made citizens of other lands into slaves; they appeared to have assumed (in their colonizing quest and imperial endeavors) that they could do the same with the Earth and all her creatures. The "practicality," however, was "short sighted." See Donald J. Hughes, "Ripples in Clio's Pond: Rome's Decline and Fall: Ecological Mistakes?" Capitalism, Nature, Socialism 8(2) (June) (1997), p. 123. Roman efforts were geographically far-reaching; Rome had the ability to reach out and use resources located at great distances. Roman roads and ships brought timber from the Alps and Lebanon. Tin was brought from beyond the straits of Gibraltar. Gigantic projects like the Roman road system, which was long enough to reach the moon, show that rulers had ways of getting cooperation. No other ancient empire combined large size with social control as effectively as did Rome.

90. Paul Ehrlich and Anne Ehrlich, Extinction: The Causes and Consequences of the Disappearance of Species (New York: Random House, 1981), p. 159.

91. Hughes, "Ripples in Clio's Pond: Rome's Decline and Fall: Ecological Mistakes?" p. 121.

92. Cited in ibid.

93. P. Ehrlich and A. Ehrlich, Extinction: The Causes and Consequences of the Disappearance of Species, p. 159.

95. Kent MacDougall, Humans as Cancer (USA, CA: [Online, available: http://www. churchofeuthanasia.org/e-sermons/humcan.html], 1997).

96. P. Ehrlich and A. Ehrlich, Extinction: The Causes and Consequences of the Disappearance of Species, p. 159. NB: Wolves, bears, ostriches, lions, and other species fought against each other or against people in Rome's Colosseum. The Emperor Nero even staged Colosseum fights with polar bears catching seals. Rome's Colosseum performed grotesque mythological re-enactments of violence that provided a safety valve for the people to express collective feelings of togetherness and violence. From Constantine onward, the Christian emperors were no less violent than their pagan predecessors, however. Crocodiles, lions, and bears continued to be used in the games. Animal hunts for the gladiatorial games persisted for 200 years. Crowds and rulers were trapped in violent entertainment games and addicted to the escalation of violence. Prostitution was practiced underneath the Colosseum structures along with the fights. In 549 ce the final amphitheater games were held.

98. Ivory for the Roman Empire was brought from as far away as Java. Romans were noted for their genius for transporting live creatures from the ends of the earth. They could bring in live ostriches from North Africa and crocodiles from Egypt to Rome, and they had no difficulty in procuring oysters from Britain. See Worldwatch, "Endpiece: The Ivory Trade," Worldwatch 10(3) (May/June) (1997), p. 40; and Ritchie, Food and Civilization: How History Has Been Affected by Human Taste, p. 52.

99. P. Ehrlich and A. Ehrlich, Extinction: The Causes and Consequences of the Disappearance of Species, p. 159.

100. Cited in Hughes, "Ripples in Clio's Pond: Rome's Decline and Fall: Ecological Mistakes?" p. 122. Hughes observes that Romans were unaware of these destructive implications, because they thought that by killing off animals that sometimes raided their herds, they were doing a good thing. But since predators ate a far greater number of rodents and other animals that devour crops, increases in the numbers of the latter reduced agricultural production.

101. Ibid.

102. Pollution has a long history that precedes the human dilemmas of axial civilizations. Even 200,000 years ago, the pristine African "Garden of Eden" was not completely free of pollution. Fossil evidence from the skeletons of some early hominids shows that they suffered lead poisoning from "naturally" contaminated water. These particular individuals had the misfortune to live in what is now called Broken Hill

(Kabwe) in Zambia. Present-day anthropogenic pollution in the area certainly has increased by quantum leaps, being not far from one of the world's major copper-producing areas, and its first known record of serious lead pollution predates Greco-Roman antiquity. See Adam Marham, A Brief History of Pollution (London: Earthscan Publications, 1995).

103. The history of human lead production began about six millennia ago. Significant lead production started just about a millennium later, with the discovery of the techniques of smelting lead-silver alloys from lead sulfide ores and coupling silver from the alloys. Lead production then rose continuously during the Copper, Bronze, and Iron ages, stimulated by the introduction of silver coinage and the development of Greek civilization. A maximum of about 80,000 metric tons per year - approximately the rate at the time of the Industrial Revolution - was produced during the flourishing of Roman power and influence around two millennia ago. The use of lead was ubiquitous, and other mining districts in the Old World were known and worked, especially those in Spain, the Balkans, Greece, and Asia Minor. See Sungmin Hong et al., "Greenland Ice Evidence of Hemispheric Lead Pollution Two Millennia Ago by Greek and Roman Civilisations," Science 265 (1994).

104. Hughes, "Ripples in Clio's Pond: Rome's Decline and Fall: Ecological Mistakes.?" pp. 122-3.

106. Ibid.

108. It might be supposed that Roman technology was environmentally less damaging than its modern counterparts, since it was simpler, utilizing human and animal power for the most part, and to some extent non-polluting water power. However, as Donald Hughes notes, the Romans brought their efforts to bear over centuries, and even simple technologies can be destructive when they are pursued over large territories for a long period of time, as the dependence on wood and charcoal for energy and resultant inroads into forests demonstrate. See ibid.

110. The extent of the Roman ecological devastation of Carthage is in question. It has been referred to as a problem less of history "as it actually happened," and more as a problem of literary fabrication; i.e. as a problem of the "spurious authority of a long line of copyists": see Bennet Bronson, "The Role of Barbarians in the Fall of States," in The Collapse of Ancient States and Civilizations, ed. Norman Yoffe and George L. Cowgill (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1988), p. 197, R.T. Ridley, "To Be Taken with a Pinch of Salt: The Destruction of Carthage," Classical Philology 81 (April) (1986), pp. 140-6, Susan T. Stevens, "Notes and Discussions: A Legend of the Destruction of Carthage," Classical Philology 83 (January) (1988), Paolo Visona, "Passing the Salt: On the Destruction of Carthage Again," Classical Philology 83 (January) (1988), pp. 41-2, B.H. Warmington, "The Destruction of Carthage: A Refractio," Classical Philology 83 (April) (1988), pp. 309-10.

111. Particularly noteworthy in this context are the elegant, tiled "spewhouses" or "vomitoriums" of latter-day Rome.

112. As Mannion cautiously notes, "It may be that environmental issues were at the root of these processes." See A.M. Mannion, Global Environmental Change: A Natural and Cultural Environmental History (New York: Longman Scientific and Technical, 1988); and Hughes, "Ripples in Clio's Pond: Rome's Decline and Fall: Ecological Mistakes?"

113. Hughes, "Ripples in Clio's Pond: Rome's Decline and Fall: Ecological Mistakes?" p. 125.

114. The North African provinces, once highly productive granaries which provided food for the population of Rome and its large standing armies, gradually became degraded as Roman demands for grain pushed vegetation on to marginal lands, prone to erosion. Scrub vegetation spread and some intensively cultivated areas became desertified. The irrigation system the Romans used depended on watersheds that have since been deforested, and now yield less run-off, reducing the chance of restoring productivity. See WRI (World Resources Institute), "History of üse and Abuse," in World Resources 2000-2001: People and Ecosystems: The Fraying Web of Life (Washington, DC: Oxford University Press, 2000), pp. 6-7.

115. David E. Stuart and Susan B. Moczygemba-McKinsey, Anasazi America: Seventeen Centuries on the Road from Center Place (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2000), p. 9.

116. J. Jefferson Reid and Stephanie Michelle Whittlesey, The Archaeology of Ancient Arizona (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1997), Stuart and Moczygemba-McKinsey, Anasazi America: Seventeen Centuries on the Road from Center Place, p. 16, Ward, The Call of Distant Mammoths: Why the Ice Age Mammals Disappeared.

117. Stuart and Moczygemba-McKinsey, Anasazi America: Seventeen Centuries on the Road from Center Place, p. 39.

118. This included the border area of the states of Utah, Arizona, New Mexico, and Colorado, with the major modern towns of Denver in the north, Flagstaff in the west, Phoenix in the southwest, and Albuquerque in closest proximity.

119. Stuart and Moczygemba-McKinsey, Anasazi America: Seventeen Centuries on the Road from Center Place, p. 7.

120. Julio L. Betancourt, Thomas R. Van Devender, and Paul S. Martin, eds, Packrat Middens: The Last 40,000 Years of Biotic Change (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1990), Maser, Global Imperative: Harmonising Culture and Nature, p. 68.

121. Maser, Global Imperative: Harmonising Culture and Nature, p. 69.

122. In particular, see the work of Betancourt, Devender, and Martin, eds, Packrat Middens: The Last 40,000 Years of Biotic Change. For a most recent work see Stuart and Moczygemba-McKinsey, Anasazi America: Seventeen Centuries on the Road from Center Place.

123. Stuart and Moczygemba-McKinsey, Anasazi America: Seventeen Centuries on the Road from Center Place, pp. 107, 109.

132. Ibid.

133. See also Timothy A. Kohler, "Prehistoric Human Impact on the Environment in Upland North American Southwest," Population and Environment: A Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 13(4) (1992), pp. 255-68, Charles L. Redman, Human Impact on Ancient Environments (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1999), pp. 117-22.

134. William R. Coe, "The Maya: Resurrecting the Grandeur of Tikal," National Geographic 148(6) (December) (1975), Michael D. Lemonick, "Secrets of the Maya," Time August (1993), and "Knurrende Mägen," Der Spiegel 24 (1995), p. 203.

135. Glen Welker, Mayan Civilization ([Online, available: http://www.indians.org/ welker/maya.htm], 1997).

136. US expert Patrick Culbert, in Der Spiegel, "Knurrende Mägen," p. 203.

13 7. US News and World Report, "What Killed the Mayas: War or Weather.?" US News and World Report June 12 (1995), p. 10.

138. Der Spiegel, "Knurrende Mägen."

139. Ibid, Eric R. Wolf, Sons of the Shaking Earth: The People of Mexico and Guatemala; Their Land, History, and Culture (New York: Chicago University Press, 1959).

140. US News and World Report, "What Killed the Mayas: War or Weather?" p. 10.

141. Alan Weisman, "The Real Indiana Jones and His Pyramids of Doom," Los Angeles Times Magazine October 14 (1990), p. 42.

142. Van B. Weigel, Earth Cancer (Westport, CT and London: Praeger Press, 1995), p. 115.

143. Jared M. Diamond, "Easter's End: Easter Island," Discover August (1995), p. 64.

144. Ibid.

145. The present carrying capacity of the 64-square-mile island is around 2,000 persons, less than one-tenth of what is considered to be its peak population. See ibid.

147. Ibid.

148. Ibid.

149. Sahlins, Stone Age Economics.

150. Already by 1650 wood charcoal was no longer used, according to archaeological research findings by French anthropologists (personal communications).

151. "Die Magie Der Osterinseln: Hollywood Entdeckt Einen Südseekult," Geo 6 (June)

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