Participation Matters

1. Throughout this volume I use North to designate the industrialized world and South to designate the industrializing world.

2. In this volume, I am explicitly looking at state participation. Of course, other actors play an enormous role in the governance of these issues as well. The role of NGOs and MNCs, as well as U.S. domestic politics is discussed in detail in chapters 5-7. See Auer 2000 for an in-depth analysis of state and non-state participation in global environmental governance.

3. In this book "complexity theory" and "the study of complex systems" are used interchangeably.

6. See Murphy 2000; and Weiss 2000.

7. See Ba and Hoffmann 2005; Keohane 2002; Prakash and Hart 1999 for different perspectives on GG. The notion of the form and process of GG is further developed in Hoffmann and Ba 2005.

8. Conceiving rules broadly means that patterns, institutions, norms, etc. could all be considered rules. In addition, the definition specifies political spaces that lack central authority, because rule making in political spaces with central authority would be government not governance.

9. In this way, this study is akin to Bernstein's (2001) study that traces the development of liberal environmentalism, showing how ideas shape global environmental governance.

10. Hollis and Smith 1990 argue for a strict dichotomy between understanding and explaining, but I hold that it is impossible to explain without understanding.

11. See Rosenau 1997b, ch. 8; Rosenau and Czempiel 1992; and Hewson and Sinclair 1999.

12. For accessible introductions to complexity theory see Waldrop 1992; and Holland 1995.

13. Obviously, norms of participation are not the only norms that shape the contours of the multilateral negotiations for ozone depletion and climate change. Others have investigated liberal norms and norms of sustainability. See Bernstein 2001; Harrison 2000a.

14. Both of these implications are discussed at great length in chapters 5-7.

15. The accounts discussed briefly in this section are elaborated upon in chapters 5-7.

16. See Betsill and Pielke 1998; Downie 1995b.

17. Part of the evidence for this lock-in is the conflicts that arise over the labeling of environmental problems. For example in the desertification problem, the South, especially Africa, pushes a "global" definition as this would thus require universal participation and bring the North into the negotiations. Northern states, predictably, argue that it is not a global problem. See Porter and Brown 1996.

18. When discussing ozone depletion it is important to point out that the ozone molecules of interest are in the stratosphere. This is the "good" ozone. The noxious ozone at lower atmospheric levels (i.e., ozone alert days) is a major component of smog.

19. See: Benedick 1991; Rowlands 1995; Porter and Brown 1996; and Litfin 1994.

20. Rowlands 1995, 55.

21. Benedick 1991, 14.

22. Rowlands 1995, 56-57.

23. UNEP 1979a.

24. Rowlands 1995, 49-50.

25. Benedick 1990, 118.

26. See UNEP 1986e; 1987a; 1987b.

27. See UNEP 1987c; 1990.

28. Rathgens 1991, 155.

29. Rowlands 1995, 66.

34. Porter and Brown 1996, 94.

35. See UNGA 1991a; 1991b; 1991c; 1991d.

36. Price 1997.

37. Author's interview with Paul Horwitz (Former Policy Analyst for UNEP's Ozone Secretariat, International Advisor, EPA Global Change Division).

38. Finnemore and Sikkink 1998.

39. Chapter 2 systematically assesses alternative explanations drawn from international relations theory. Those less interested in the theoretical contours of international relations can skim this chapter without losing the thrust of the argument.

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